The War against the Druze to Achieve the Zionist David’s Corridor in Syria

The orchestrated Syria chaos contagion threatens to plunge the entire region into a sectarian war. Will the Zionist bloc succeed in modelling the New Middle East with the bloodshed of Syrians

First published by UK Column.

Who Are the Druze?

The Druze are considered to be a secretive sect; a relatively closed community, predominantly found in Syria, Lebanon, and Israel. The Druze ideology originated as an offshoot of Islam during the 10th century. They incorporate elements from Christianity and Judaism. However, they believe in one God; they are monotheistic, which connects them to Abrahamic traditions. They believe in reincarnation, which aligns them with the Alawites.

One of the kidnap victims of ISIS in 2018. Photo: Vanessa Beeley

The Druze value the principles of truthfulness, fellowship, and the divine unity of humanity. Their beliefs promote equality, including the role of women in religious activities; women are revered by the community, despite its conservatism. I have described the different factions within the Syrian Druze community in a previous article for UK Column.

Beautiful Druze ‘Madafa’ in Suwayda 2018. Photo: Vanessa Beeley

Like all communities in Syria, the Druze hospitality is legendary. All homes in Suwayda have the traditional meeting room, the Madafa, which is always the most resplendent and light-filled room in any home where guests are presented with local fruit and produce, particularly figs, which are the best I ever tasted in Syria. Elaborate feasts for honoured guests are prepared days in advance and are enjoyed with music, dance, and a warmth that is all-encompassing.

People do describe the Druze as closed but, in fact, I was welcomed with open arms into the tight-knit Suwayda villages that had endured a traumatic and peace-shattering attack by ISIS in 2018 that I have previously reported on here and here.

In 1925, the Druze led the Great Syrian Revolution against the French colonial rule as a result of the Sykes-Picot carve-up of the region. This rapidly developed into a national rebellion to overthrow the French overlords.

During the 14-year regime change war, one of the most iconic grey-bearded Syrian Arab Army commanders was the Druze General Issam Zahreddine who liberated Deir Ezzor from ISIS and freed Syrian troops that had survived a three-year siege by the terrorist groups assisted and given air support by the US/UK alliance. He was martyred shortly after the battle for Deir Ezzor when his car drove over an ISIS landmine. His tomb, on the road from Damascus to Suwayda, was desecrated and blown up by Jolani’s gangs earlier this year.

The dramatic basalt landscape of Suwayda. Photo: Vanessa Beeley

Suwayda does have an other-worldly aspect to it: the vast stretches of desert, the hillsides dotted with fruit trees, and the beautiful basalt mountain that rises out of the ground like a massive, glittering obelisk by the side of the road taking you towards this historically rich Byzantine region. Towns and cities date back to the first century B.C., during which time many were famous for the quality of their wines. Suwayda was called Dionysias during Hellenistic and Roman times; Dionysus is the God of Wine, and the excellent reputation of this ancient wine-producing region persists today.

Here is an excerpt from one of my articles published in 2018, just after the ISIS massacre in Suwayda:

Our journey began in Damascus. We left early in the morning and headed due south before taking the road that brought us to the east of Suwayda city and to the villages that form a chain north to south, only about 1km apart. As we entered the province of Suwayda, we began to see the elaborate memorials to martyrs killed in Syria’s war against Western-sponsored terrorism. Our guide told us that these beautiful monuments are in honour of the soldiers who have given their lives in defence of their homeland. Many of these impressive structures are placed at the entrance to villages ‘so their names are remembered for eternity by all those who live because they died’.

We were told that some of these graves also date back to the 1925 ‘Great Syrian Revolt’ or the ‘Great Druze Revolt’ against France. They are wonderful to behold, rising out of the dry desert plains, backdropped by the hills and trees that pepper the landscape stretching out in front of us.

The Druze Conflict — What Is the US-Zionist Endgame?

The history of the Druze in Syria is a long and complex one. Syria has always been a mosaic of ethnic minorities, sects, and communities that have co-existed without major issues for decades. Former President Hafez Al Assad was instrumental in unifying Syrians under an inclusive and coherent national policy. The only outsiders were the Muslim Brotherhood factions, weaponised against a series of Syrian leaders and governments if they stepped out of line with the Western agendas and Israel’s long-term plans.

This diversity has been a tremendous strength, one that enabled Syria to withstand the 14-year regime change war that began in 2011. It is also a vulnerable area in Syrian society that the West has regularly exploited to destabilise an otherwise stable, secure, and progressive nation. Even portraying the regime change war as a ‘civil war’ is to mislead people into believing there was a popular uprising rather than a Western bloc-sponsored terrorist war that tore the country apart for more than a decade. The same can be said for Iraq prior to the US/UK-led military adventurism.

According to the official Syrian civil registry dated 31 December 2023, Suwayda Governorate has a population of 569,861, but realistically, it is probably more than 600,000. Many from the Bedouin communities are not registered at birth.

An estimated one third of the population is Bedouin/Tribal, dispersed across villages and suburban areas. The Druze make up two thirds of the governorate, and this has been the status quo for almost 1,000 years with some shifts, but no great deviation from this demographic. The two communities have co-existed peacefully, despite periodic clashes and tensions. Their shared traditions have always expected the Tribal Elders from both sides to resolve disputes through mediation.

This traditional conflict resolution system persisted even after the modern Syrian state was created. Authorities rarely interfered, as it was invariably successful. Even in the final two years before the fall of Damascus in December 2024, the Druze, who followed Sheikh Hikmat Al Hirji, declared open opposition to Bashar Al Assad. Daily sit-ins were staged in Karama Square in Suwayda City. These same figures now oppose the Takfiri regime, leading the sectarian ethnic cleansing pogroms across the country with the full backing of the Western regimes and agencies that brought them to power.

Assad never responded with violence or repression; on the contrary, there were policies to not interfere despite the potential threat to the integrity of Syrian territory during a war that was ongoing to partition and fragment Syrian territory.

One of the ornate Druze tombs on the road to Suwayda. Photo: Vanessa Beeley

I can speak from personal experience of the Druze communities. In 2018, a brutal ISIS massacre in Suwayda City and the eastern countryside left more than 200 civilians dead and hundreds injured. Around 50 women and children were kidnapped and suffered a terrible ordeal until the Syrian Arab Army led a military operation to rescue them. I visited these stricken communities days after the massacre and spent time talking to the families and village leaders; tales of unspeakable horror unfolded at the hands of the same Takfiri that are now threatening them again.

Western media barely covered the events, Jon Snow of Channel 4 went as far as to say they could not verify the stories. This was his response to journalist Alison Banville when she inquired if Channel 4 would follow up on the tragedy:

Like everyone else we are very stretched in Syria … We are now very dependent upon ‘stringers.’ We have never been able to verify what happened … as in so many other cases … and we are reluctant to go beyond what we can verify for ourselves … I’m sorry if this displeases you … but the fake news [emphasis added], unsupported claims do Syria’s agony and loss no favours.

On 11 July 2025, Bedouin tribesmen attacked a vegetable truck on the Damascus-Suwayda highway. They assaulted the driver and stole the vehicle along with 7 million Syrian pounds, according to local Druze sources. In retaliation, Druze gunmen abducted eight Bedouins the following day. The Bedouins then kidnapped five Druze. This lit the touch paper in an already tense and chaotic Syria, without any central authority to bring resolution.

By 13 July, so-called negotiations were failing. Heavy clashes broke out in Suwayda City and the western countryside. Druze areas were shelled. Bedouin districts were besieged. Within 24 hours, around 30 people had been killed and more than 100 injured. On 14 July, Jolani dispatched his Al Qaeda forces to allegedly separate the warring factions.

This move violated the existing agreements that Jolani had with the Druze, not to enter Suwayda. The reality is that his militia entered in support of the Bedouin factions and committed brutal violations against Druze civilians and fighters. It was a calculated breach of trust.

I was speaking with one of my friends in Suwayda who had taken up arms to “defend his country, his people and their dignity”. He told me: “Be sure we will not disarm. We will continue fighting until the last person falls with their weapon. We are defending our existence, our dignity, our women and our children”.

I asked him about the Zionist intention; he knows they will exploit the situation, but he told me the majority are against this. However, there may need to be a long term strategy to take into account the horrors his people are facing. He said:

It is a war of extermination and ethnic cleansing, carried out by a gang that has been handed over the rule of Syria, our Syria — to achieve the interests of certain entities that invest in global terrorism. They make Jolani a tool to perform their dirty missions for implementing geopolitical goals.

Jolani has been incubated, trained and has lived as a terrorist. His mentality and emotions will never change. He is a terrorist. How can this terrorist be trusted to govern a multi-ethnic nation like Syria?

We are humans, minority born, Syrian. We will not leave this country except as martyrs, buried under Syrian stone. We were forced to resist, to defend everything that is our existence.

He was convinced that Jolani was stoking the flames of sectarian conflict between the Tribal factions and the Druze deliberately. Other people told me that Telegram channels had been established immediately after the conflict began to spread sectarian rumours and to enflame an already volatile situation. Another source told me:

Jolani’s media focuses on portraying the Druze as killers of the Tribes, inciting sectarian hatred and revenge killings combined with declarations of ‘jihad’ against the Druze. At the same time, in front of the international audience he shifts the blame for the massacres of the Druze against the Tribes. In this way he evades responsibility for the brutality and savagery of his own militia who have been killing, looting, burning and kidnapping our women across the Suwayda province.

Ceasefires have been intermittently declared and systematically broken by HTS, the Tribes, and Druze Sheikh Hikmat Al Hirji, aligned with Israel. Israel has intensified airstrikes on the Tribal convoys and HTS positions. Jolani despatched the Syrian Arab Red Crescent with ‘aid’ for the besieged Druze population, who were without food, water, and electricity for more than five days. When the aid arrived, my friend told me the delivered food rations were perished and inedible.

Jolani’s militia reported more than 200 dead from Druze ambushes and Zionist airstrikes. Horrific atrocities were reported from Suwayda: the burning alive of an elderly Druze man outside his home, three young Druze men forced to jump to their deaths from the balcony of their high rise apartment block, public beheadings, abductions, a Druze baby murdered and perhaps the most reminiscent of Zionist atrocities in Gaza, and the massacre of patients and medical staff inside the Suwayda National Hospital. A young prisoner of HTS was asked if he was Muslim or Druze. He replied “I am Syrian”; he was executed for being Druze. On 15 July 2025, engineer Samir Hussein Hamidan, a wheelchair-bound civilian, was killed in his home during an HTS raid in Suwayda. Murdered Druze bodies were set on fire by the HTS militia in the city streets.

The father of the three boys forced to jump to their deaths had been executed in the streets below moments earlier. The victims were identified as Moaz Bashar Arnous, Bara Arnous, and their cousin Osama Arnous. Eyewitnesses confirmed these details, and forensic video analysis corroborated the sequence of events.

The videos are circulating across social media. The fury and drug-fuelled bloodlust of the HTS terrorists and the Tribal factions is far worse than was seen on the coast, simply because the Druze have refused to surrender their weapons and are defending their existence. This is the same Takfiri sectarian hatred and murderous tactics that Syrians resisted for 14 years, now unrestricted and unleashed upon the defenceless Syrian people.

Then Israel struck deep in the heart of Damascus: the General Staff building in Umayyad Square and the rear of the Presidential Palace known as the People’s Palace. Rumours were rife that Jolani had fled to Turkey, and some regional outlets were reporting that a coup was underway. None of this was true. Jolani did leave Damascus and went to Latakia on the coast with his family under Turkish protection, but returned shortly after to give a speech at 4am.

In my previous article, I outlined the security agreement between Jolani and Israel, very likely brokered in Baku, Azerbaijan, immediately before the conflict gathered momentum in Suwayda. It is too much of a coincidence that events spiralled out of control so fast and to a critical level that serves Israel in the long run, shortly after Jolani’s return to Damascus.

The Widening Sectarian Divides Being Orchestrated in Syria

At least one captured Takfiri fighter that appeared on Druze social media channels could not speak Arabic; one of the multitude of foreign mercenary fanatics that are under Jolani’s control in Syria, making up an estimated 30-40% of the ‘New Syria’ military. Supporters of Jolani in HTS and Tribal factions have openly called for the final ethnic cleansing of the Druze communities from all Syria, their deranged rants demanding that Jolani leave them alone for one week in Suwayda to “kill all the Druze”.

Other Syrian minority leaders, including Christian ones, have condemned the violence and stand in solidarity with the Druze. They know they will eventually be affected by the Jolani drive to convert Syria into a Takfiri-dominated caliphate. The majority of moderate Syrian Sunnis reject the Takfiri ideology, yet few dare speak out because of the Idlib model of governance, where Jolani would ruthlessly repress dissent through force. Idlib was a brutal landscape of warlord rule, and this is the style of governance that Jolani wants to force upon the Syrian people with the assistance of MI6, Mossad, and the CIA with Turkey’s Deep State in the wings.

A few days ago, a friend in Damascus told me:

Damascus today is overrun by tribal militias. In one recent incident, liberal activists held a peaceful protest outside the Syrian Parliament, carrying signs that read ‘Syrian blood is sacred’ and ‘No to violence, yes to justice for all victims’. They were violently attacked by tribal thugs wielding clubs and swords. One of the victims was Zeina Shahla, a well-known political activist and current adviser to Jolani’s Missing Persons Committee. She was beaten and insulted in front of security forces, who did nothing.

The national mood is shifting, according to many I speak to who have endured the collapse of Syrian society since December 2024. Those who celebrated the fall of Assad, many imported from Idlib to crowd the public squares, have gone quiet. Some are even starting to admit that they ‘miss the Assad days’. Very few will say so publicly.

The MI6-linked rebranding teams are, criminally, portraying Jolani as a tolerant ‘pragmatic’ leader, while behind the scenes, he is unleashing sectarian killers to silence protests and to continue the ethnic cleansing of non-Takfiris. This chilling duality has captured Syrian social media and media, silencing rational, patriotic voices under relentless attacks from Jolani’s digital militias.

The Rise of the Tribal Proxy Force for Jolani

The sudden re-emergence of tribal militias on the Syrian scene is not new. In August 2024, there were clashes between Tribal forces and the Kurdish separatists, backed by the US, in the northeastern oil-rich region. At the time, I was told they will mobilise for their own interests, but cannot be considered a true ally of the Syrian state.

The current scale and orchestration of their return to the battlefield is unprecedented. Tribal society is rooted in the nomadic Bedouin traditions of the Arabian Peninsula. These groups were historically reliant on herding, farming, and a nomadic lifestyle; not much has changed. They are spread across the Gulf Arab states, the Levant, Iraq, and areas of western Iran. They are known for their hospitality, to which I can attest after being a guest of the tribes in Al Mayadin, east of Deir Ezzor. They are also known for their bravery and support of the oppressed in many instances. The flip side is they have a reputation for raiding trade and pilgrimage routes and attacking settled cities, like Damascus and Aleppo, until Islamic rule redirected their aggression outward.

Even under the Ottoman Empire, it was necessary to protect trade convoys from Bedouin raids, and the Ottomans actually allied with the Druze and Alawite sects to fortify urban perimeters. This paradigm persisted until the modern Syrian state formally dissolved tribal governance, though effectively this is only on paper.

Jolani’s tyrannical rule, which has only been made possible by the Zionist bloc, has now dismantled all semblance of national unity, deliberately leading to widespread sectarian mobilisation and a regression to pre-state dynamics, away from national cohesion. He has chillingly replicated the Idlib model in all Syria, but it remains to be seen how long he can hang on to power in such a boiling cauldron of sectarian division and murderous zeal.

According to sources in Damascus, Syria’s six largest tribes account for an estimated population of 10 million, although it is very hard to find reliable statistics. Around 20% emigrated during the war to Europe and Turkey. Even with the support of 41 tribal groups, offshoots of the central six, their allegiance to Jolani is more symbolic than reliable. The claims within the Jolani camp are that 150,000 tribesmen were mobilised. This is likely to be an exaggeration. Videos of Arctic containers bringing motley militia to Suwayda were part of a psychological war waged against the Druze. The more likely scenario is that batches of around 30,000 opportunists, criminals and long-term fighters were the vanguard of the movement unleashed by Jolani as a proxy death squad.

The Tribes, traditionally, have conflicting loyalties. The Shammar Tribe is split across multiple fronts: some align with the US-incubated Kurdish SDF, others with the Turkey-backed Syrian National Army (SNA), and some with HTS and even ISIS, although the lines between the two are blurring more and more. In the past, they have deployed mercenaries in Azerbaijan, Libya, Sudan, and Niger.

The Adiqat Tribe is also divided; some supported Assad, and others the SDF. Today, their leader, Ibrahim Al Hifi, has directed his militia to attack Druze areas, as he did in Sahnaya, Damascus, two months ago.

This reveals a core truth: most tribal allegiances remain tactical and transactional offering services to whoever is in power. It is not a strategy; it is a survival mechanism. Currently, Jolani is harnessing the tribes to ethnically cleanse southern Syria on behalf of Israel. They are effectively mercenaries.

Under Jolani’s patronage, Arab Tribal factions have aggressively infiltrated Damascus, triggering a sinister demographic change. They have seized homes vacated by persecuted Alawites, particularly properties of former Republican Guard soldiers and officers. The same is happening on the coast, where these mercenaries have been rewarded with the houses of displaced Alawite families after they participated in the massacres in the coastal province.

A friend of mine in Damascus told me that this Tribal expansionism has begun to affect Syrian society profoundly. Syria’s urban, educated middle class communities are now facing lawless gangs that have no respect for rational dialogue or the rule of law.

What Does Jolani Gain from the Recent Bloodshed?

Jolani has increased the proxy forces under his command. These forces can be whipped into a frenzy and deployed to suppress civilian dissent or wage war against the challengers to Jolani’s power base: SDF, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the Popular Mobilisation Forces in Iraq (PMF) while preserving the core of Jolani’s loyal militia.

The Tribes give Jolani plausible deniability. Jolani established ‘checkpoints’ to stem the flow of Tribal factions to Suwayda, but they stood down when the Tribes approached and facilitated their advance. It’s a mobile genocidal force designed to force Syrian minorities to either accept Jolani’s protection (such as it is) or occupation by Israel to ‘protect’ them, which is the likely scenario in Suwayda.

The Tribes could, potentially, be deployed against any threat to Zionist expansion and ‘security’ in the region as part of the alleged security agreement between Syria/Jolani and Israel. Like Israel, Jolani lacks the closed-circle manpower to dominate Syrian territory and to launch new offensives against powerful, well-prepared enemies like Hezbollah. To wage such wars, Jolani needs cannon fodder. Israel needs proxies to settle in the areas of Syria that Israel wishes to incorporate into Greater Israel, and to extend its presence through the David’s Corridor up the eastern flank of Syria bordering Jordan and Iraq. If Israel can saturate Druze communities with pro-Zionist factions like Al Hijri’s gangs, the province of Suwayda comes under their control.

There is the potential that Jolani is also contemplating using the Tribal Factions against the Iraqi Resistance groups, but this will be a violation of Iraq sovereignty by Syrian militia, and it would provoke a reaction from the Iraqi Military, PMF, and even the Iraqi Sunni population, with ISIS massacres still fresh in their collective memories.

Another possibility is the exploitation of the Tribal elements that have infiltrated the ranks of the SDF to weaken the SDF itself. Possible scenarios might include large scale defections and/or an ‘Arab’ uprising in the Euphrates region, leveraging the SDF’s own discriminatory policies to turn the tribes against them. However, this might be a step too far for Israel, dependent upon the Kurds for the completion of the David’s Corridor.

Finally, Jolani could take control of the network of ISIS holding camps in the northeast, which is currently managed by the SDF. With access to the former ISIS clusters, he could reconstitute another branch of the terrorist group and deploy them against Hezbollah and the PMF. This is not far-fetched; many of Jolani’s core militia are already ISIS ideologues. Should Jolani get full control of the ISIS contingent, it would lead to the destabilisation not only of Syria, but the entire region as proxies of Israel and the collective West led by Washington. Jolani is not a lone actor; he is facilitating the agendas of the same supremacist elite who oversaw the collapse of Syria into a sectarian bloodbath, from which would emerge the New Middle East.

Jolani’s Speeches Are Written for Him by MI6

Something we must always bear in mind is that Jolani’s rhetoric is being micromanaged by the MI6-linked teams embedded in Damascus. According to sources, the operatives of Tony Blair and Keir Starmer’s special advisor Jonathan Powell have their own offices within the Presidential Palace in Damascus.

Jolani’s most recent speech during the bloodshed in Suwayda is a manipulative and divisive instrument of external power. His claims to hold perpetrators responsible is known to be a hollow promise. He promised to do the same following the coastal massacres, and nothing has been done to punish the murderers still within his own militia. Chief among them is the infamous Abu al-Mish al-Sarawi, who publicly reveled in the burning of Jableh on the coast and the looting of its villages. He went on to join the attackers in Suwayda—killing, stealing, and burning again, and threatening the Druze with the same fate as the Alawites he massacred.

It is clear that Jolani’s handlers have no interest in genuine dialogue or a roadmap that actually benefits the Syrian people; they never did. They are orchestrating organised chaos and bloodshed for the benefit of Israel and the external forces that want their piece of Syria after the Takfiri shock and awe has subsided or been forced to retreat.

A source in Damascus summed up Jolani’s speech:

Al-Julani’s speech is the height of arrogant posturing, naive cunning, and blatant provocation. Rather than calming tensions or addressing Syrian grievances, it poured fuel on the fire and insulted the Syrian people. He shamelessly admitted—without the slightest sense of accountability or restraint—that his government in Damascus had received multiple calls for foreign intervention.

He also accused what he called ‘self-interested, separatist elements’ in Suwayda of aligning with foreign powers and leading armed groups that carried out killings and abuse. But worse still was his portrayal of providing basic services to Suwayda as some kind of favour or benevolent gift from him and his regime—an attitude that reeks of condescension.

Jolani did not use his speech to bridge the sectarian divides. He falsely accused the Druze of separatism, knowing full well that the majority were opposed to secession and Israeli occupation, until they were attacked by the hordes of Takfiri-motivated militia. He praises the Arab tribes, celebrating their ‘honourable history’ of standing with the ‘Syrian state’ in the knowledge that many of the Tribal militia were affiliated with ISIS. His own Red Banner ‘special forces’ were filmed accompanying the Tribal forces on their murderous mission.

He cynically states that the Druze community should not be judged for the actions of a ‘small faction’ that allegedly strayed from its historical values, and even declared his commitment to protecting so-called minorities. He deliberately omitted the fact that his sectarian military campaign, racist incitement, and the propaganda spread by loyalist figures like Mousa al-Omar, Jamil al-Hassan, Hadi al-Abdallah, Qutaiba Yassin, Mohammad Kazem al-Hindawi, Ghassan Yassin, and others via Telegram and WhatsApp groups, drew no distinction between Druze factions. The incitement was widespread, deliberate, and completely unrestrained. This was an ethnic cleansing pogrom on an unimaginable scale.

Jolani’s description of all non-Takfiri Arab Syrians as ‘minorities’ only deepens the fragmentation of a once-united country. It widens the political and social divisions while ensuring there are no moves towards inclusivity. None of this should be seen in isolation from the Zionist bloc agenda in the region. Jolani is an instrument of their predatory agenda, and nothing more.

I am also seeing a more dangerous narrative developing on social media generated by the Jolani-sectarian rhetoric; deliberately, in my opinion. Social media accounts are starting to promulgate the narrative that all Syrian Sunni Muslims are ‘Takfiri’, ignoring the majority of Syrian Sunni who reject the Takfiri ideology. This will negatively impact on the 1.5 million Syrian refugees in Lebanon, and we are already seeing calls for their expulsion among Lebanese commentators. While some are certainly extremist and affiliated with the Jolani gangs, there are many who are genuine refugees from the regime change war and the dire economic situation in Syria from the beginning.

The Long War against the Resistance

The deepening sectarian divides in Syria manipulated by the Zionist bloc through Jolani and his Takfiri militias threaten to destabilise the whole region. In 2022, Iran’s Ayatollah Khomenei had warned President Erdogan of the folly of destabilising Syria and the impact it would have on Turkey.

Trump’s point man in the region, Tom Barrack, is pushing for the disarmament of Lebanese and Iraqi Resistance factions. This will never happen, but it is the first step towards a Takfiri deployment against these factions that I talked about in the preceding article. Most recently, Barrack has made it clear that “the US cannot force Israel to do anything”, an admission that Washington will do nothing to prevent the daily violations of the Israel-Lebanon ceasefire, which include the murder of civilians and the further destruction of homes and farmland in the south of Lebanon.

In the context of facilitating Zionist expansionism in Syria and the establishment of the David’s Corridor, Suwayds is now the spearhead of the broader Zionist project. Given Israel’s shortage of manpower, it must rely on Zionised Druze factions to pressure anti-Israel Druze factions to accept Israeli occupation as the only ‘alternative’ to Takfiri bloodlust and the horrors that the Druze have endured since the conflict erupted.

If Israel succeeds in the annexation of Suwayda as a ‘protectorate’ of Israel, it would facilitate the relocation of Palestinian Druze into southern Syria, forming a first line of defence with Druze from Suwayda and the Golan territories. This would separate them from Lebanon and the Druze population there, enabling the creation of a new ‘Lahad Army’ of Druze militia as a Zionist proxy force. The Zionist security cordon would then stretch from al-Tanf to Lebanon, and the corridor would be open toward the Euphrates via the Syrian-Iraqi border.

The next possible step would be to attempt a partition of Jordan, to pressure Palestinian displacement into Syria and Jordan, and to coerce the emigration of Christian communities from Jordan, which has long been the plan, to reduce the region to a war between the Gulf-Arab-Takfiri elements and the majority Shia Resistance Axis.

With the final solution in Gaza being implemented despite all the international ‘condemnation’, the outcome would be the fulfilment of the Balfour Declaration and the elimination of the Palestinian political and national cause. I must emphasise that this is the plan; however, the further that Israel and the Zionist bloc overextend, the greater their vulnerability to attacks from the Resistance Axis, and to clashes among the regional players themselves over resources and territory.

Tactically, Jolani has achieved new leverage with the Tribal factions and tested them on the ‘battlefield’. As a long-term strategy, this is untenable. It relies on incentives and coercion, disinformation, and foreign backing, while it threatens a multi-front war that he cannot control indefinitely. The longer this tactic is used, the greater the backlash from within and outside Syria, should the factions attempt an invasion of Lebanon or Iraq.

The question must arise. Are the external powers steering Syria towards a full-scale sectarian war; a real civil war? A war that would enable foreign intervention under the nefarious ‘Responsibility to Protect’ pretext? Once this happens, the creation of the New Middle East and the redrawing of borders to enact the Zionist-CIA Clean Break Doctrine would come to fruition.

The fall of Syria was always the ultimate goal: to weaken the Resistance Axis and to open up the region to Israel for the long war against Iran. Regional unity is the greatest threat to the Zionist bloc agenda, and this is why sectarian divides are being exacerbated.

Two weeks before he died, the visionary former Syrian President, Hafez Al Assad, said the following to his one of his closest advisors, Dr Bouthaina Shaaban:

I am leaving, and my time is approaching, perhaps it has come. I have left no means or tool unused to achieve peace for my country. Syria will live years of prosperity, then you will enter lean years, years of loss and suffering. But you will endure with legendary resilience, recorded by history in letters of light, illuminating your path for another century. I promise you Syria’s unity and dignity for the next twenty years (2000-2024) without disintegration, without breaking. The West and the East will besiege you, but you will refuse defeat, and you will reject surrender, even if you live only for this, you will not be defeated.

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