Palestine Liberation Movement - A Call from the Depths

One Democratic State of Palestine is the only humane solution

The following is a statement from the Palestine Liberation Movement. At the end I will publish details on a petition you can sign to support this movement.

A call from the depths

- No to begging at the doors of the occupiers in pursuit of crumbs of our legitimate rights, which will only lead to our division and bloody fighting.

- Yes to the just national struggle that conquers our legitimate rights and unifies the living energies of our people.

- An appeal from the depths of the glorious history of our Palestinian people and our Arab nation.

- An appeal inspired by the spirits of great leaders who led and triumphed in the nation's decisive battles in history against barbaric foreign invasions which took place on the land of Hattin, Ain Jalout, Adjnadayn, al-Qadisiyah, Suez and Algeria down to the battles that led to the victories on the land of dignity, in Jenin refugee camp, Bint Jubail, Aitta al-Shaab, Maroun al-Ras and the Gaza Holocaust.

- An appeal inspired by the spirits of contemporary martyrs, and how many they are, who were killed by bullets of the barbaric settlers and their imperialist protectors. Those martyrs, who, by their martyrdom and sacrifice, sought the sublime over propaganda and publicity, therefore, they remain unknown except to those who marched behind them. 

- An appeal inspired by those faithful to their convictions and captured behind the bars of the jailer who raped their country's lands and their people's freedom; that jailer who devastated their homes, ripped up their orchards' trees and fields and deprived their children and women of the kindness and tenderness of their fathers.

- An appeal inspired by our youth who don't feel comfortable while they sleep, those who get up before dawn to line-up in queues in front of humiliation, contempt and insult, at check-points,  begging for hard work in the territories that were seized by force and treachery from the hands of their fathers and ancestors.

- An appeal launched by those who sacrificed all and spent their precious youth in Israeli jails, had their bodies disfigured defending their rights and preserving the flame of struggle which, to this day, faces the threat of being extinguished and buried beneath the ashes.

- An appeal from the depths of the refugee camps, of refugees who suffer arbitrary repression in countries where they live, waiting on the realisation of their inalienable right of return. That right stems from their natural and historical right to live in the homes which our previous generations created by blood and sweat, throughout six thousand years of continuous existence.

It is inalienable because it is the property of future generations of our people, who have not authorized any one to dispose of it on their behalf.  That homeland is an expression of the relations that bind people and successive generations with their country through an ongoing and uninterrupted history, unless it moves to a more advanced stage.

- An appeal from our people whose land was ripped from them by aggression, who were arbitrarily and forcibly dispossessed and their existence on their own land annihilated by siege and collective holocausts, in an attempt to complete the plan of treating them as absent people and replacing them with racial colonial settlers. These our people, whose recent history shaped a revolutionary epic, throughout which they endured all kinds of tragedies and injustices and offered all forms of sacrifice, including the ultimate. Women came to cheer at the funerals of their martyred children and promised to provide more. These are our people who will never vanish from their homeland, as was sometimes the case with other indigenous peoples, for whom we feel great pain.

- An appeal inspired by patriotic comrades - we do not say the leadership - of all factions, the organizationally independent and the faithful who joined the national convoy. Those who continued on the patriotic path and wandered the length and breadth of the world, remaining loyal to their people’s cause and their right to return to their homeland.  When they were asked to return home, they did, to complete their liberation process. Yet they were appalled at the extent of control by the occupation forces, under the supervision of US intelligence officers, the prime enemies of our people and nation in their struggle for liberation and national unity. Today these loyal men and women find themselves on the street, not from any mistake they made but from their heritage of conscience which illuminates the national movement for liberation. That is why they have been marginalised, even subject to hunger, using as a pretext premature retirement, in reality excluded from influential positions in their own homeland.

- An appeal from the Palestinian minds who carried out the first and second uprisings, throwing stones at Israeli soldiers. Those soldiers were not satisfied with using the most modern and sophisticated military weapons against unarmed protesters. They resorted to breaking the bones of these protesters in front of the cameras of international journalists, who then displayed these atrocities on screens across the world.

Inspired by them all, this call is launched towards the mind, the sensibility, the conscience and the honour of all the Palestinian people and comrades, whatever their inclinations. It is for those whose hearts wrench in pain after voluntary missions against the enemy. Hopefully this inspiration will lead to the unification of all Palestinian forces against the occupation forces, so as to reach our liberation.

We remember, in this text, the historical framework of the creation and the development of our contemporary national cause.  Because of our national liberation struggle, our words will help those of us who believe in their faith and in our people’s struggle.

International environment of the Arab Homeland: disintegration and colonization

In the context of a policy of dividing the world again, the European colonial states, victorious in World War One, segmented the Arab Homeland into separate countries under the administration of appointed local rulers. Those rulers were followers of their colonial masters, committed to keeping their countries under domination and subordination. With the passage of time this role was deepened as a result of the development of local social elites in each country which accepted the crumbs left by their masters. These enemies of the Arab people and their homeland formed the nucleus of an Arab comprador class, which remains in power.

Reasons for the colonization of Palestine

Geo-politically, Palestine is strategically important for the following reasons:

1.         It is a contact point between three continents: Asia, Africa and Europe

2.         It links the East and West of the Arab homeland.

3.         It is close to the Suez Canal.

4.         It provides easy access to the East, for the former colonial powers, on the way to the oil wealth of the Arab nations.

For these and other strategic reasons the colonial powers decided to carve out our Arab country of Palestine and transform it into a base of occupying substitute colonialism thinking that, in this way, it would be very difficult to dismantle, provided that there were an evacuation of the native Palestinian people, who had lived on this land for over six thousand years.

After World War One Palestine was mandated to Britain by the League of Nations. This was the beginning of the Zionist plan to occupy Palestine, assisted by the United States and Europe. The genocide and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians was set in motion and continues to this day. Britain used its experience in the British Empire to help the European Zionists colonize Palestine. 

The basic deception of all international promises for contemporary Palestine

Over a century of dealing with the old European colonial states and current American imperialism, our Arab nation has been betrayed, and is still being betrayed, by the terror of these countries.

Since the promises given to Sharif Hussain before and during World War One, and passing through many fact-finding committees and projects to solve the conflict, it became clear that the Zionist entity, supported by the West, had no intention of finding a solution to the Palestine question.

They were always playing for more time to continue the occupation and to establish more illegal settlements. Today more than 90% of stolen Palestinian land is occupied by illegal settler terrorists. Two thirds of the Palestinian people were expelled. The remaining 10% of land is under total control, and divided into ethnic cantons.

Since the British guardianship the national movement has been divided by internal struggles between those who accept and those who reject the illusory offers of pacification: starting with the Al-Husaini - Al-Nashashibi polemic, through the Al-Shuqairi - Arafat polemic, at the beginning of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), then the Fatah - Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) polemic, up to the current polemic between Fatah and Hamas.

The need to free our minds from illusions

The illusion that Zionists want peace must be confronted. We should look beyond our narrow minds and carry out our national responsibilities. When will we wake up? When will we stop making secondary contradictions central contradictions? Over 70 years, Zionists have negotiated in bad faith. They cannot be trusted.

All previous attempts to reach any form of settlement or agreement with Zionists were futile and led nowhere. We cannot speak of a national state for the Palestinians if we do not liberate ourselves from our petty differences while we are under siege and occupation. We have to recognize reality; that we continue in a period of national liberation, and not in a period of state building. It is impossible to build a state under occupation. This occupation is the cruellest form known to mankind. Its apartheid policies are worse than those practiced in South Africa and like those of Nazi Germany.

All negotiations, from Madrid to Oslo, Camp David, Taba, Annapolis and the Quartet only brought killings, destruction, assassinations, land confiscation, home devastations, bulldozing trees and orchids, the building of settlements and the apartheid wall and hundreds of military checkpoints. Our leadership failed miserably to contain Zionist expansionism inside stolen Palestinian territory.

Dominant people among us are obsessed by illusory deceptions and trickery. Their memories seem affected by Alzheimer’s disease, they lack vision and insight. They deny the facts of our contemporary history to the extent that they consider as neutral and honest parties the European colonists and US imperialism – which sponsored, established, funded, armed and protected the rapists of our Palestine.

They looted our Arab lands and robbed us of our God-given wealth. They considered these rapists as impartial and honest. They granted them the role of a judge whose judgments are trusted and upon which the future of our people and the nation could be built. These ‘leaders’ have no credibility and no integrity. What minds do they have to trust the promises of those who destroyed Mesopotamia, transforming it into a sea of blood in which its people swim? 

Bush promised the Iraqi people that they will live in an oasis of democracy in the region. How can Palestinians who possess common sense and a sober mind trust the promises such butchers, who live by deceit and lies every day of their lives?

Their promises to us are no different from those of previous colonizers like McMahon, Sykes-Picot, Balfour and many others.

Is it not time to expel these illusions from our minds, shake the dust from our eyes and stop wasting the time of our liberation movement? How long will false consciousness prevent us from seeing the truth about the organic links between the forces of imperialist hegemony and the racist colonial entity, since the latter is nothing more than a tool in the hands of the former?

The need to understand objective reality

In view of the foregoing, we believe in the need to withdraw completely from farcical negotiations. These negotiations cover up and legalize occupation and its criminal activities.  They deepen the Palestinian conflicts and lead to bloody infighting. They also suggest the possibility of fair solutions which don't exist. These ‘solutions’ are fictional. They involve international parties which encouraged and urged Palestinians to sign agreements with an enemy that refused to comply with them. They demand legal, political and economic results - and even administrative and financial responsibilities for the alleged Palestinian Authority, as a consequence of these agreements. Yet the responsibility should be on the occupying party to comply with international agreements.

We are aware of the interrelation between positions and positioning, the latter deriving from the former. However our sense of national responsibility keeps us within the discipline of assuming good intentions, so we say that there is an error of assessment that has driven the ruling class within the PNM (Palestinian National Movement), imagining that national liberation has been achieved. Yet only after that can the construction of a state begin.

This basic mistake made them exchange positions of contradiction, within our current national cause, converting the central contradiction of liberation into a secondary one, and the secondary contradiction to do with the means for carrying out this mission, into the main one.

They were commissioned to build an illusory state at a time when the necessary conditions of existence in terms of land, population and sovereignty were lacking, disregarding the obligations of liberation and considering these as ‘absurd’. That is why we believe that this assumption is at the starting point of an erroneous direction in the march of our national movement, an error which has led to its structural decline.

This has confused their thinking, individualized their leadership and destroyed relationships with true allies. It has locked these leaders and the movement in the same positions, exposing the exploited and allowing the corrupt to climb on their shoulders. Therefore, a consensus among all Palestinian forces is necessary to concretize the nature of the historical period through which we are passing. This is a basic condition to guide our struggle towards the realization of national liberation. The history of the people does not move in an anarchic way, but rather in a cyclical way.

At each stage social, economic and political forces can be formed, each of which have particular interests that determine objectives and the means to achieve them. Yet history changes those objectives, distinguishing one from the other, at each stage of their evolution. It is a cognitive error which makes someone thinks that history goes in a straight line, where political forces are calcified with interests and visions, without any change.

The national liberation stage must precede the construction of the national state

The acknowledgement of our still being in the national liberation phase represents a compass guiding us to organize our national priorities and relations with each other and with others. This requires in the first place to stop signing more agreements with the occupiers. We know  they will not commit to agreements. Experience has taught us that they are part of an overall deception process falsely called a peace process.

These deceptions began with the Camp David agreements, with Sadat of Egypt, through the Madrid conference and the Oslo and Taba agreements ... until the time of Bush and his laughable promises of establishing a deformed state before the end of 2008.

All these agreements could be categorized as a process of Arab regional surrender. Their foundation was to enrol us in a Middle East project under the administration of the Zionist entity, with its sponsors demanding a new economic role. The Zionist military role was fully integrated into the US military apparatus, enjoying a privileged position in economic and international relations.

This entity, in the first forty years of its existence, received aid of around four billion dollars annually, in exchange for exercising the regional gendarme role, in face of the Arab national liberation movements and the former socialist bloc.

The former Secretary General of NATO, Mr. Joseph Luns explained:

“Israel was the least expensive soldier-mercenary of our era”.

Most Arab regional governments have already surrendered to the Zionists. The Zionists in turn are part of the US military apparatus. None of the Arab states can negotiate on behalf of the Palestinians. Most of these Arab governments have received billions of dollars of aid from the US and Israel, in the form of military weapons, used to oppress their own people. These puppet regimes also stand in the way of the Palestinian liberation struggle.

The post-Cold War era was seen by Zionists as an opportunity to further their own agenda, making the Palestinian liberation struggle more difficult. Developed countries such as Japan, Germany, Britain and France saw economic opportunities and invested in the markets of oppressive Arab regimes.

This changed the Zionist entity which also became an economic power in the region. The new military and economic environment adjusted the role of the Zionist entity into an advanced military base for the US Sixth Fleet. When Arab markets were closed to the products and capital of the occupied territories, a new strategy was needed to open these markets. It was necessary to normalize the relationships between the entity and the Arabs. However, the persistent Palestinian resistance and the resultant tensions and mass Arab Sympathy was an obstacle that prevented a policy of recognizing the Zionist entity. 

The ‘Peace Process’ became the ideal façade behind which the entity proceeded with a so-called political solution to the Palestinian struggle. This was a lie. The entity needed Palestinian participation to sign agreements and pave the way for the oppressive Arab regimes to end the boycott. This would also enable those Arab regimes to ‘normalize’ relationships with the entity.

For their part, the leaders of the entity understood the meaning of the new global and regional developments, and the need for dominant forces to reorder the situation in the Middle East so as to adapt to the new world order. It was therefore necessary to transform the role of the entity from an advanced military base of the sixth fleet to an advanced regional economic base for American, European and Japanese multinational companies, eager to increase their investments in the area.

This fact was reflected in the Madrid conference through economic projects closely linked to the international market, which attracted investment and increased production on the one hand, and gained new markets on the other. As the Arab markets of that time were closed to the products and capital of the Zionist entity by the Arab blockade, it was necessary to find ways to open them up within a policy of opening and normalizing relations with the Arab world.

However the Palestinian resistance, with tensions established through popular sympathy in the Arab and Islamic world, formed a major obstacle to the application of such policies. So it was thought necessary to invent, in the USA and Europe, the lie of the ‘peace process’ or the ‘political pacification of the conflict’. Yet this could not be credible until the Palestinians enrolled in this process, negotiating directly with the occupying entity and signing agreements that allowed the Arab States to take the necessary measures to end the blockade on the one hand, and to normalise relations on the other. This would enable them to join collectively, and through institutions, in structures subordinated to the globalized capitalist economy.

After the Oslo Accords Zionist leader Shimon Perez admitted:

The main goal of the Oslo conventions was not Palestinians, but rather normalisation with the Arab world and opening its markets.

We witnessed after the Madrid conference in 1991, the declaration of Oslo principles in 1993 and the Cairo meeting of 1994, that an expanded economic conference was held in Casablanca, where entity representatives were warmly welcomed. Afterwards, successive bilateral and multi-lateral committee meetings were held for those ambitious ‘leaders’ who wished to engage in Middle East projects.

Thus, it is evident that the normalization of the Palestinians' relations with the Israeli entity represented an urgent need of the Arab comprador interests and systems that were involved in the subordination of the Palestinians.  However, Arab and Palestinian mass resistance was able to foil it, despite the fierce attempts of the Arab and Palestinian comprador class, collaborating with their masters, to drive it along.

National liberation requires confronting, not subordinating to, foreign hegemony

A critical, objective review of our contemporary Palestinian national movement's experience confirms that the engagement of its dominant leadership in the course of the so-called ‘peace process’, besides signing conventions with the entity, led only to frustration and a numbing of the life force of our people and nation, while fragmenting our internal unity.

Those involved in those conventions since Camp David-al-Sadat to now, can only scream and wail, requesting their masters to activate them, when they prevented others from moving outside those illusory terms. Talk about the imaginary peace process not only provokes laughter and ridicule but also disgust and repugnance, because it continues a vicious circle.

Once again, staying within the discipline of good intentions, we say that the leadership of the national movement put out of its mind the binding and necessary relationship with the racist occupying entity, and its function of taming the regional environment in favour of the hegemony of its patrons.

This made that leadership accept the results of the policies of the entity, as characterized by their quantitative, momentary and unreal character in the negotiations and agreements, forgetting the underlying causes of our reality. Thus their politics became self-justifying, contemporary and fleeting, the future became immediate, the qualitative became quantitative, the substantial became secondary and the profound became superficial.

Our leadership forgot the functional role of the Zionist entity towards its sponsors. The first ones (the UK and France) attacked Nasser's Egypt, to pave the way for a British-French intervention in 1956 to regain control over the Suez Canal, to punish the Egyptian leader for supporting the revolutions of Algeria and South Yemen, to paralyse his unionist attempts with Syria and for his opposition to military alliances. Those began with the coalition of Baghdad, through the Eisenhower principle, the British landing in Jordan and the American landing in Lebanon after the triumph of the July revolution in Iraq, in the year 1958.

However, the failure of this tripartite and colonial aggression on Egypt, and the collapse of the Baghdad coalition, led to a major setback for Great Britain and France in their Middle East domains, in favour of the US, which took over the role of the main sponsor of the occupying entity.

The United States soon used this position to serve the interests of its own hegemony, encouraging the entity to commit yet another aggression in 1967, to occupy what remained of Palestine and to continue its colonization, occupying Egyptian lands in the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights in Syria.

This was also punishing these Arab states for their unionist and liberation policies. The entity used these occupations to exchange land for obedience and submission to the US-led imperialist will. The aim was to annihilate the Palestinian cause and subdue the entire area under its hegemony, and to integrate it definitively under the globalized capitalist market, in favour of American, European and Japanese multinational companies.

These characteristics are not exclusive to the Zionist entity, but shared with other European occupying colonial entities, established centuries ago in the American continent and in the north, the south and the east of Africa: Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, Algeria, Tunisia, Uganda and Kenya, as well as in Australia and New Zealand.

We summarize these characteristics in the following way:

1. A common identity within a historical framework that is colonial European.

2. The racial distinction and discrimination of the colonists towards the native population in the colonized countries.

3. The enjoyment by immigrant colonists of the protection of the colonial state.

4. The artificial grouping of immigrants in the regions under the control of the colonial European State.

5. The aggression, adjacent to occupying settler entities, that emanates from their colonial need to expropriate the land of the native population.

6. The inescapable geographical expansion of the settlers, linked to an increase in the flow of new immigrants and their need to take the land of the native population.

7. The use by settlers of violence against the indigenous population under their control, to exploit their labour force or to kill, destroy and expel them, if unable to displace them.

8. The dispersion of colonists, to isolate the native population in case of needing them to exploit their labour force.

9. The exaltation of the colonists over the native population, despising the latter as inferior in the scale of biological and cultural evolution, according to the colonial racist view.

10. The absolute aggression of the colonists towards regional populations, because of greed they have to be able to exploit their natural riches and labour power, as well as requiring geographical expansion.

11. The subordination of the colonial entities to their sponsor states of origin, creating the optimal conditions to transform them as political entities.

12. The participation of all occupying settlers in an ideological structure based on the adulteration of religious texts and beliefs, invoking old and false myths and corrupting scientific, biological and sociological concepts to distort awareness of their true functions. In this way they justify control over the indigenous population, annihilating it if necessary under various deceptive names, or in the name of ‘promoting civilization’.

Scientific knowledge from recent historical experience, in establishing European colonial and occupying entities, shows us the impact on native populations. Overall, except for the failed experiences in Algeria, Angola, Mozambique, Kenya, Uganda and Tunisia, there are two classes of colonisation:

First class:

This is the type of colonisation we would call: ‘occupying, exploitative colonialism’, since the colonists had to live, ‘relatively’, with a native population which resisted with courage the processes of physical annihilation and survived the attempts to destroy its civilisation, insisting on remaining on their Homeland.

The coexistence formula was based on a rule of control and exploitation by settlers of the land and the indigenous population. This rule created the phenomenon of distinction and differentiation between interests, and therefore, between settlement groups pretending that they owned capital and political and economic power, alongside the society formed by the indigenous population, lacking power and property other than by their force of labour.

This coexistence was conditioned by the relations of economic and political inequality, and by the application of a system of discrimination and racial separation. However, in some cases, the social structures for this kind of colonialism followed a gradual development towards a more normal situation, where settlers began to integrate gradually with the native population.

This was a voluntary integration accompanying coexistence, with common interests that led to the conversion of its main contradictions, making them subordinate to the new social structures. That included the differential relationship between the owners of the means of production, on the one hand, and the owners of the labour force, the wage-earners and producers of surplus.

The contradictions of ethno-racial origin were gradually left behind, for both sides. What remained were just the residues of structures of superiority: ideologies, social values, political concepts or psychological genesis for people of colonial origin.

This type of integration could be seen in practice between the settlers and the indigenous population, amongst many of the peoples of South and Central America and in Angola, Mozambique and in South Africa after the fall of the apartheid system. However, in Zimbabwe (formerly Southern Rhodesia), ethnic tensions remained due to the insistence of European white settlers to maintain their economic privileges. They had these through their alleged ownership of the plantations and mines, where the African inhabitants of the land continue to work, long after having overthrown Ian Smith's racist system.

Second class:

This is what we could call: ‘occupying, substitute colonialism", because in this case, the settlers could, after controlling the lands, attempt to physically annihilate the native population and destroy their civilization. This genocide is what was attempted with the natives of what is today the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

This is also the goal of the colonial entity in our Palestinian lands, from which two thirds of the population were forcibly expelled. More than 90% of our land was forcibly taken, leaving the rest to our people. Compulsory racial cantons have been created, just as the indigenous people of America were forced to confine themselves in reserves, to facilitate their gradual annihilation by the colonists.

Genocide and ethnic cleansing were normalised. The Legislative Council of New England, in 1703, promulgated a law permitting a reward of £40 for each scalp of an ‘Indian red skin’. In 1774, the reward increased to £100. Systematic extermination was organized to reduce the native population in North America from 10 million inhabitants, to 200 thousand inhabitants, with an attempted total destruction of their civilization, a culture that knew agriculture ten thousand years before the arrival of the colonists.

These colonists compensated for their lack of labour, with a slave labour force imported from Africa. The price of an African slave was $150 dollars at the beginning of the 19th century but rose to two thousand dollars in the year 1860.

Historians estimate that the indigenous population of the Americas before the European colonial invasions was between 57 and 80 million inhabitants. The former president of Senegal, Leopold Sedar Senghor, calculates the number of African blacks who reached the European colonial settlements at between 10 and 20 million people. Knowing in advance that in order to capture a slave they had to kill at least ten other individuals, one would have to count the deaths that occurred during the transfer of the slaves to the slave ships where they were piled in pigsties. That calculation would raise the number of African deaths to as much as 100 to 200 million human beings.

For these reasons it is well known that the history of the USA in particular, and the European occupying colonial entities in general, from their foundation, was a history of extermination of indigenous people in the colonies. It can also be considered that the recent history of the USA is a history of domination, exploitation and military aggression against the peoples of Asia, Africa and South America. This has altered the ecological balance of our planet, corrupting the conditions of life.

Likewise, the history of the colonial entity in Palestine is nothing more than a history of the destruction of the Palestinian people and their civilization. It has raised a permanent aggression against the peoples of the region, subjugating them in the interests of the hegemony of the imperial sponsors of the occupying entity.

The properties of the occupying and substitute colonial entity in Palestine

Starting from the above, and considering what is general and what is particular in terms of occupying colonial projects, we are aware of the peculiarity of the colonial composition of our own country. Palestine has an advanced parasitic base for world hegemony, whose function is to subjugate the countries of the region in favour of the dominant centre.

We know about the conditioned relationship between the Zionist entity and the imperial centre, the structural properties that make its seclusion and isolation inescapable, necessarily adding to its parasitic characteristic due to an inability to get rid of the subordination.

It was the 1967 aggression, through which it occupied all of Palestine, subjecting the land and the people to the control of its army and its laws, that allowed it to dominate up to 93% of our land and to displace more than two thirds of our people. The rest live in forced ethnic cantons, separated from each other, subjected to very harsh security conditions.

These limit movements to workplaces (if any), incapacitating people to pursue their normal lives, not to mention ongoing arrests and systematic executions. In addition, the entity continues to expropriate land, uproot trees and fields, tear down houses, control water wells and border crossings, and continue the practice of racial discrimination.

This apartheid is seen every day in the construction of racial separation walls that are erected at times when the world, supposedly through globalisation, is eliminating geographical borders and economic and cultural barriers.

This demonstrates how the Zionist entity isolates and calcifies itself, showing the truth of its regressive character, contrary to the current evolution of human society.

The entity has crowned its aggressive policies with the application of economic blockade to provoke famine, formally declaring its intention to bring a holocaust on our people in Gaza. Yet they have proven, with the strength of resistance, to be invincible before the entity’s neo-nazi policies.

The Zionist entity’s ability to perform its duty towards its patrons

The ability of the entity to play its functional role is tied to the preponderance of its power over its surroundings, ensured by the imperial patron. But signs emerged to indicate the possibility of non-continuity of that preponderance in future, at the time of the war of 1973, through the aggression of 1982 and what followed of its inability to confront the resistance in Palestine and Lebanon.

Its patrons were forced to fight two aggressive wars against Iraq relying on their own strength and without direct involvement of the Israeli entity, which later incurred a notable defeat at the hands of the Lebanese resistance in 2006. That went alongside its withdrawal from Gaza and its inability to contain the ongoing resistance of Gaza.

Thus began the gradual erosion of the entity's regional and functional role, to impose military hegemony on behalf of its patrons and also of its ability to protect itself, That was shown by its patrons calling for UNIFIL troops in southern Lebanon to protect the entity; not to protect Lebanon, of course.

It has become clear that the most severe and sharp contradictions in our region are those related to the future of conflict with the entity, and especially over the guarantee of its preponderance of power. That guarantee necessarily requires blocking scientific and technological development and economic and social progress in the regional states, in an attempt to prevent them from building strong elements to defend their interests and liberate them from foreign hegemony.

This destructive process was shown by the attacks on Iraq’s nuclear reactor [Operation Opera] by the entity, then its strong support for the war of aggression against Iraq, which destroyed the country’s scientific structure, while looting its ancient heritage and oil wealth.

More recently we have seen the entity’s hysterical positions, to the point of madness, against Iran's peaceful nuclear program, as well as the bombing of Syria’s scientific facilities.

Hence it is evident, in light of experience and concrete facts, that the danger from the racial entity is not restricted to the Palestinian people but also affects the fundamental interests of the regional nation-states and their peoples.

The entity tries to cripple their aspirations towards progress and liberation, which would create foundations for concrete relations between Palestinian interests and the peoples of the region. All this underlines the need to dismember the entity’s racist colonial structure and remove its regional role in favour of the hegemonic powers.

The entity's position in the contradictory system of our time

Despite the fact that settler colony in our country constitutes a structural part of the wider settler colonial system, it came to Palestine late in world colonial history, in order to meet a logistic and localized need. To benefit from the strategic position, while small and poor in natural wealth, the entity built a parasitic basis for self-renewal as it protected and subsidised the global hegemonic powers.

Unlike other settler regions, which were economically profitable due to their capacity and natural resources, colonised Palestine, relying on its location, remains non-profitable in itself for the hegemonic centres. But it generates profit for them through its dedication and location.

From this we can see the real danger in the entity's policy comes from its ethnic discrimination, not only by lording it over the Palestinian people, the first victims of this policy, but also over the region’s peoples, the secondary victims.

The danger extends to broader politics, because the entity is absolutely subordinate to the most aggressive and barbaric powers in our contemporary world. These days those powers are represented by US imperialism, its globalized capital and its savage ‘free market’ that gobbles up the bounties of the peoples of Asia, Africa and South America.

The United States of America began its crimes with the near annihilation of the native Americans. It continued its policy with the enslavement of millions of black Africans and with regional oppression, giving support to the bloodiest dictatorships of Latin America including those of Somoza, Batista and Pinochet.

The same regime backed Mobutu in Africa, Marcos in the Philippines, Suharto in Indonesia, Shah Pahlavi in Iran and many others. It also exterminated 200,000 Japanese civilians and injured 150,000 more through atomic weapons dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

We must also remember that the US and Britain burned 200,000 German civilians with phosphorous bombs in Dresden and Hamburg, without any military justification.

US aggression against Vietnam's people annihilated 4 million more, not to mention the injured and the disabled. Furthermore, the US wiped out more than 200,000 people in Central and South America and hundreds of thousands more in the Philippines, Iraq, and Afghanistan, while supporting counter-revolutions with money and weapons.

The USA supported the Zionist entity's crimes with money, weapons, missiles and aircrafts as well as protecting it from punishment in the UN Security Council by using its veto. This is something known by every one of our people, by all nations and friends.

All this is only the tip of the iceberg, because the danger from the USA, chief patron of the Zionist entity, and from its savage regime is not only limited to harming human beings, but also attacks all living beings and ecosystems.

That assault has come through its violation of the ecological balance of our planet, its contamination of water, land and atmosphere, because the USA still refrains from signing treaties that reduce Global Warming and greenhouse gas emissions, so as to preserve the profits and accumulation of its globalized capital.

Thus, it is evident that the entity's role in the contradictions of our time, is that of the tail of a fierce and anti-human beast. After being formed in the womb of the British Empire, it was born and suckled on British colonial milk. It then grew up with the patronage of the ‘mandate’, absorbing the ideas of its colonial patrons and their mission to civilize barbaric indigenous peoples. After that, the entity moved into the shadow of the successor to British hegemony, the American beast.

At the intellectual level, the Zionist entity did not deviate from the approach of former settlers, but rather adopted their own way of rigging history, evoking the most ridiculous fictional myths. They distorted divine books, manipulating them to place on the shoulders of God the burden of their crimes, like the enslavement of indigenous peoples, the looting of their resources and destruction of their civilizations.

They did this while setting up a system of concepts and categories, stripped from their historical context, to provide divine sanction and to prevent rational minds from discussing those myths. They worked to block awareness of the reality of their deeds. In this way, reality was turned upside down.

False consciousness begins by highlighting myths and hiding reality

The invaders became missionaries of divine religions, and destroying indigenous people along with their cultures became a process of ‘civilizing’. Their myths included the fantasy that a land which had been inhabited for thousands of years was ‘empty’, waiting for the arrival of another people with no land, but who had the divine promise of a religious homeland.

Thus, colonial invaders in our country, Palestine, became God's chosen people and our land, occupied by force of arms, became a promised land. The operations of forcefully seizing lands from the hands of farmers, preventing them from working, expelling them and replacing them with settlers became the mere implementation of a divine promise called Judaization.

The forms of socio-political organization of settlers were given legendary theological names, unrelated to production and social relations or to the land to which they came, but rather to a legendary notion of a ‘promised land’ called ‘Israel’.

This was an epithet given to Jacob, according to the legend, similar to the case of the settlers of South America who used Spanish names. The settlers of Zimbabwe did the same when they called the land Rhodesia, after Cecil Rhodes, the British company manager who pioneered that settler colony.

Here, we observe that a legendary theological name was given to the settler entity, and that formed part of a process of building false consciousness, the aim of which was to distract attention from settler colonization and conceal it entirely.

This process began with the notion of the existence of the Canaanites, then another history from the Torah which ignores the authentic name of land and gives it a theological, legendary name.

The aim and effect was to hide pre-existing indigenous people from the awareness of settlers and to build the idea that it was a ‘land without people’. 

This prepared colonists to ignore and remove the indigenous people, through genocide and displacement. Their chosen name suggests a static or constant character of the land, resistant to change or coexistence with others, because that would present a danger which threatens them, according to their anti-Semitism myths.

Thus, a development takes place in theoretical consciousness and practice to create discrimination and ethnic segregation, in addition to the enslavement of those Palestinian indigenous people who were able to survive and remain. 

We say that hiding the process of settler colonization behind the banner of Judaism means, in reality, placing responsibility for all the crimes of settlers and their patrons on the shoulders of Judaism, which we consider innocent of the colonial project.

The three divine religions which emerged in our region integrated elements of people’s spiritual life, and they did not witness religious and sectarian conflict except during foreign invasions, at the instigation of foreign powers.

The followers of these three religions have lived together throughout history, and their beliefs have integrated to enrich human civilization in both the material and spiritual aspects.

We differentiate between colonisation, the process of seizing lands from their owners, while annihilating and enslaving them; and Judaism, a faith to organize relations between its followers, their creator and other human beings on the bases of justice, mutual respect and secure common living.

We don't politically equate Jews around the world, due to the fact that there are those who live their own life and coexist with their society in peace, while practicing their beliefs and lifestyle far from discrimination, differentiation, malice and hatred.

Moreover, we know that Jewish problems lie in the use of Judaism to accomplish the settler colonial project, in favour of the hegemonic powers starting from Napoleon through Britain to the United States.

We declare that we have no problem with ‘Jewish’ people in Palestine. This problem emerged in capitalist Europe, with the choice between integration or isolation in the European communities. That problem did not appear in our countries and we are not the ones to create a solution to this ‘Jewish problem’.

Rather what we have in front of us, and that which requires a radical solution, is the problem of replacement settler colonization in our country, Palestine. This takes the form of a base of the foreign hegemony in the region and presents a focus of international tension, associated with the imperial policy.  

Solving problems means addressing their causes

The solutions to human problems used to mean changing reality, not creating illusions and myths in rigid minds. The current reality of the Palestinian cause consists of confronting replacement-settler colonization, a base for imperial hegemony over the region and an epicenter of tension and aggressive wars.

The Zionist entity now controls Palestine in terms of land and people, as well as by ethnic segregation and discrimination and, since 1967, enslaving the workforce of the enclaves.

The entity has put all of Palestine - land, population and the region - in a continuous whirlpool of destructive wars and bloody massacres, in order to keep it in a state of absolute foreign subjugation. Its very nature contradicts all solutions that lead to returning legitimate rights to their owners, especially the right of return. It also contradicts the conditions of secure common living to all Palestinians and the establishing of bases for a just and comprehensive peace, which would entail cooperation instead of hatred and fighting.

It was proven to the colonial settlers, over a century and a half, that our land was not ‘without people’, not uninhabited, as Zionists and their sponsors claimed. Nor is the colonists’ existence in Palestine more secure than their previous existence on the lands from which they came.

In fact, a chart of colonist security on our land proves absolutely that what is increasing is a lack of security, in response to their aggressive nature. Our people are motivated by the survival instinct to defend their existence on their own homeland, and this constitutes the basis for ongoing and increased resistance, not less of it.

The way in which the settler's colony was created made it a tool to persecute our people. The famous quote ‘those who persecute others cannot be free themselves’ must be applied to them.

The failure of all proposed ‘solutions’ for the Palestinian cause is due to the fact that these ‘solutions’ were restricted to the entity's policies but ignored the real causes, that is, the nature of the entity's structure, function and relations with our Palestinian people, the regional environment and the global hegemonic centres.

Therefore, we declare that the colonial-settler entity and its imperialist patrons have brought the people of Palestine, both indigenous and settlers and the people of the region, to a historic juncture. Rivalry and contradictions have reached a state which prevents coexistence, except on the basis of daily mutual destruction and collective suicide.

The current situation has created such a level of danger for the residents of Palestine and their region, that they can no longer hide, as the entity possesses all types of weapons of mass destruction. That has required the victims to seek similar weapons to defend their existence, restore their rights, and push the wheel of the progress of their societies. The have to follow the accelerated human march in all areas of social, scientific, economic and technical development.

History demands that our people to choose between the way of mutual mass destruction, or collective suicide, and shifting the direction of our march towards a safe future for all.

Our collective interest imposes the need to get rid of the inhuman relationships we have inherited from the colonial era, and to throw them in the dustbin of history. There they will find a place alongside other decayed relationships, such as the slavery of black Africans in the farms of European colonists in the Americas, the genocide practised by settlers on indigenous peoples in Australia and the Americas, the racial discrimination and ‘apartheid’ of South Africa, and the Nazi slaughter of the peoples of Europe, during Hitler’s aggressive war that reaped the souls of nearly fifty million people, both civilian and military.

Yes, it is a great responsibility and a toilsome one, but at the same time it is honourable goal for our citizens, for the people of the region and the honourable of the world. It is an honourable task for all those who help us remove a regime, imposed by imperialists and their slaves, a regime of genocide, discrimination and displacement, to serve their own interests.

We, the residents of historic Palestine must today dismantle the terms of our collective extermination so as to set up, in its ruins, the terms of our collective and integral survival, far from racial segregation, separation, discrimination and mutual negation.

Experience of the bloody conflict has taught us, throughout a century, the need to renounce false belief in favour of reaching fair and equitable solutions for all those with legitimate rights.

The current obsolete and contradictory structure of colonisation on the historic land of Palestine and its surrounds, is still there. Our interest in common life imposes a need to remove the old structure, whose time has passed. We must move to a new, more advanced and more competent structure, to create real human relations for all.

This is a project of common struggle by which we build a future to achieve our common and collective benefit. It is also a radical - not a superficial - reform of the conflictual structure we have inherited. The current concrete facts on the historic land of Palestine confirm that its inhabitants today, both indigenous and settlers, form a unitary whole in terms of their wish to survive. That will not be changed by a political, economic and social system based on racial segregation and discrimination, nor by the attempted dominance of the colonial entity over the land and the indigenous people.

The bipolarity, created by the settler entity, of the rights and the interests of the two parties of the basic contradiction, has been driving it towards collective suicide. This must be stopped by upgrading relations between the two sides, not by mutual negation.

The history of nations taught us that the best way to end wars is by changing the reality which produces those wars, removing the processes of mutual destruction.

Concerning our situation, the reality we must change is that of colonial-settler displacement of our people and the hegemony over our regional environment. The radical solution lies in dismantling the closed structure and replacing it with an open one, more advanced, more humane and without imperial function.

Failing this, the causes of war and mutual destruction will remain, with the possibility of rising and subsiding, as long as they are deep-rooted in the structure of the system.

Dismantling the Zionist entity and cancelling its discriminatory structure and function is the key to a fair and permanent solution of conflict in Middle East, to use diplomatic language.

That requires, in the language of the liberation movement and of Arab Unity, a just solution for the Palestinian cause.

Our understanding of the social life of humanity consists of two fundamental relationships: the first is the human relation to nature or land, while the other is the human to human relationship, or ‘people's relationships amongst each other’. 

That understanding makes us scrutinize the suggested solutions of the Palestinian cause, still the subject of aimless negotiations.  We found that recent so-called ‘solutions’ focus on the quantitative relationships of people’s  relation to nature, the questions of land and ownership, neglecting the qualitative relationships among the people of Palestine.

Proceeding from our scientific knowledge of development and change, we confirm our determination that the solution for our national cause should include the qualitative aspect primarily, along with the quantitative one, with no arbitrary separation between them. This will be achieved by upgrading the qualitative human relations in historic Palestine, i.e. those between Palestinian indigenous people and the immigrant settler residents.

That qualitative aspect, represented in colonial, settler and displacement relations, and including those of separation, must become new qualitative relations of free participation, equality and unity. That would include disengagement from subordination to imperial hegemons.

The foundations of a just solution for our cause

The need for radical structural change is not a result of the desire of this or that thinker, nor is it the wish fulfilment of well-intentioned people. It is rather an expression of need generated by contradictions of the conflict. There is a need to escape the status quo of collective suicide and enter into a process of social coexistence.

This is the moment to move from decayed, outdated and dying relations to new, fresh and sustainable relations. We could call this the democratic advanced single state of Palestine, on the land of historical Palestine. It will be a state for all who live there, including all who were expelled from by force in 1948; and their grandchildren, who are an integral part of historic Palestine.

Those displaced are the owners of postural rights, according to the UN General Assembly’s decision 194 (1948), concerning the natural and historical right to return to their homeland and to be compensated for properties lost due to enforced absence and the expropriation of properties by settlers.

It is a moment to break with the barbaric colonial past and to join a future of human liberation. It is a moment to replace old relations, those of racial and colonial displacement with the new natural, democratic and progressive relations of free citizens based on common-living and equality in civic rights and duties.

This must be in a new state free from racial discrimination and segregation on ethnic grounds, colour, language or religious and political affiliation.

This is a state that would prohibit the promotion of racial discrimination and segregation or spread the culture of hatred, resentment and hostility.

This is a state that would move Palestine from the status quo of colonial hostility towards the region, to relations of friendship and cooperation for the sake of mutual progress, development and the security of the people.

We are confident that, through popular struggle, this great humanitarian goal will be achieved, by and for the people of historic Palestine with the help and solidarity of those in the region and around the world.

Those bringing about this change will be at a level of knowledge and sound human sense which will enable them to establish advanced, legal and political relations that create the bases of shared progress towards a bright future. That will be enriched by the interactions of coexisting groups, which will replace the old rivalries.

It is a difficult goal, but it is human and worth the sacrifice

When did radical leaps in history occur on their own? And when did wrongdoers waive their oppression willingly, for the oppressed? And when, in human history, did free people not have to pay the price of freedom? It was never offered on a plate.

Our struggle to change reality is part of a physical and bio-social process in constant motion, without a static point but rather evolution and change. There is no rest in this moving universe.

All those who tried, in vain, to halt progressive change disappeared in human history, usually carrying with them the curse of succeeding generations. In the same way, those who act against the unity of the land and people of Palestine lose their qualification to lead the national liberation struggle.

The realisation of this great humanitarian goal directly clashes with the interests of the dominant triad - the forces of global hegemony, the settler apartheid entity and the comprador Arab regimes.

Yet the Palestinian leadership moved and took with it the unifying matrix of all Palestinian national forces - the PLO - towards this triad, lining up behind the leadership of the United States of America. It signed with the rapist of our rights - the colonial entity - a surrender convention under which it waived the unity of the land and of the people of historic Palestine, acknowledging its division into several racial enclaves.

The largest of these enclaves is the colonial-settler enclave, that controls 93% of the land, while the micro-mosaic of various Palestinian enclaves, isolated from each other, were left for the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants, in a residual 7% of the total national territory.

This Palestinian leadership dissociated itself from the land occupied in 1948, leaving it and its owners out of the declared negotiations. It dropped from its circulated political vocabulary the demand to implement international resolution 194, on the return of refugees and substituted for it a new expression: “a just and agreed upon solution of the refugee issue.”

For all these and other reasons we declare that this leadership has lost its qualifications to stay at the top of national action. Our movement is an organic part of the Arab Liberation Movement which aims to put an end to foreign hegemony, achieve national unity and liberate Palestine from the apartheid system of ethnic segregation and discrimination, while putting an end to its comprador regional and international role.

Relations between the Palestinian liberation movement and the Arab liberation movement stem from the articulation of the two movements against the regional contradictions, ever since the Sykes-Picot agreement, where the Arab world was divided and annexed to hegemonic imperialism and where those outside states created the colonial entity at the heart of the Arab Homeland as their own base to oppose liberation and future unity.

Half a century of national struggle proved that the history of our people formed a continuous revolutionary epic - during which time they practiced all forms of struggle, the peaceful and the armed - and provided enormous sacrifice, despite the asymmetries between our force and that of our enemies.

However that same experience also proved the weakness of vision of successive Palestinian leaderships, not just because they did not achieve any victories over their enemies, but because they did not build awareness or practice in struggle, and because they did not bequeath to future generations significant struggle traditions to keep the national liberation struggle on track.

The current dominant leadership proves every day its failure and its lack of intellectual and practical competency to lead our people's struggle for a fair solution. The disastrous impact of this leadership on our people is worse than all expectations, because it caused retreats in all fields, at the national unity level, at the level of foreign alliances, at the level of building our own strength, and in failing to create a model to follow.

There has been real national regression

We have experienced an absolute subordination to global and regional powers who oppose the rights of our people and who dominate our nation, due to the leadership’s engagement in political and economic arrangements for the benefit of those powers. It has coordinated its security apparatus with the occupation forces, under the supervision of US intelligence officers. It complies with the dictates of the ‘honest’ US patron in an imaginary peace process. Its innovations are limited to protocol activity at receptions, bidding farewell to visitors, exchanging kisses with them but with no tangible benefit for our people.

For all this we say that this leadership has become a real obstacle to any future development or advancement of the living forces of our people, whose hands are not contaminated with financial and moral corruption and whose reputation has not been desecrated by subordination to US imperialism. Our people have not fallen in with the Arab comprador classes and have not indulged in a swamp of senseless surrender negotiations with the occupier, as it sits on our land and stands on our chest.

Instead of helping the struggle of our people, this leadership has become a heavy burden on our shoulders and an impediment that should be removed, to enable our liberation process to continue dismantling the colonial-settler structure. It has usurped the place of our people, freezing scientific and economic progress and the technical and social advancement of the nations and peoples of our region, inconsistent with the logic of constant movement and change.

This leadership looks to its own benefit in determining its stance and is too weak to learn the lessons of the anti-colonial movements of the peoples of Asia, Africa and the Americas. It ignores the fact that we are living in new circumstances that confront us with a world marked by deep changes in power relations. They do not see the successive victories of the peoples of Latin America and the creation of revolutionary nations challenging US hegemony.

They do not even see the resistance of the Middle East and the Arab World, which has foiled US and Zionist projects. They do not see the continuous advancement of social movements and movements that defend the environment and resist the globalization of the savage capitalist world ‘market’, which indulges in speculation with devastating consequences for humanity and nature, leading to collapses of the global financial system.

We warn free men and women, who struggle for just solutions in historic Palestine and its region, against chasing the myth of ‘two contiguous states’ in Palestine.

First, this represents a major deception, as it portrays ethnic enclaves within Palestine as an expression of the right to self-determination of the population. These enclaves are like the black enclaves of apartheid South Africa. That false state created its own system of enclaves to manage the affairs of its black inhabitants. Zulu leaders were appointed as kings under the supervision and the rule of the entity of white racist settlers.

Second, separation of the colonial entity, and treating those settlers in a very way different to the indigenous peoples in their enclaves, represents a dedication of ethnic separation and discrimination system. That maintains the colonial structure of the entity and the continuation of their exploitation of the land and the indigenous workforce under their control.

In European colonial history the problems associated with colonization were never resolved on the basis of territorial division of the settled regions between its indigenous people and the colonists in forms of separated zones.

The foundation of solutions always focused on the relations between the colonists and the indigenous peoples. The Palestinian leadership’s acceptance of dividing our country and fragmenting it into enclaves, regardless of the space and the population of each of them, is an anomaly in the general law of colonial settler phenomena.

Third, establishment of a deformed Palestinian state on part of historic Palestine, irrespective of its area, is an anchor for the old conflictual structure. It perpetuates the nature and function of the entity and maintains the destruction, collective suicide and mutual negation.

The cornerstone of any solution to our national cause is not in the percentage of the lands allocated to enclave residents - in spite of the apparent importance - but primarily in the relationships established among the residents of historic Palestine without enclaves.

The problems of human beings do not stem from their existence, but rather from specific forms of that existence. Thus, we see that the Palestinian problem is not just about the existence of settler immigrants on one hand and the indigenous residents on the other, but rather in the type of the relations established between the settlers and our people.

Therefore, we stress that the change we want on the land of historic Palestine does not affect the existence of people in it, but rather the inhuman relations amongst them.

In light of that understanding, we proceed to the real theme for liberating Palestine. This does not mean liberating it from the existence of immigrant settlers but rather releasing it from the pattern of colonial, ethnic and displacement relations established by these colonists, liberating those relations from the functional role of the colonial entity in our entire region.

We are aware of the weight of the responsibility and the magnitude of the burden on the shoulders of our national movement. We must achieve this humanitarian goal, great and formidable as it seems.  That entails the mobilisation of all combative energies of our people, unifying the living powers of all who are sincere in their readiness to sacrifice, upgrading them to a higher level of awareness, organization and practice and then weaving those efforts into democratic and revolutionary relations.

The PLO gained strength from its clear goal

The PLO was shaped in 1964, before the colonial occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank in 1967. What distinguished its charter were the resolutions of its national councils, before the phased program of 1974, which turned the organization away from the general direction of the Palestinian national movement since the 1920s. The essence of that charter and resolutions has been characterized by these basics:

1- It proceeded with a vision of comprehensive unity of an undivided, historic Palestine in terms of both land and people, reaching political solutions to keep up with the process of the Palestinian national movement, since the beginning of the 1920s (and regardless of the quality of detailed solutions and the then proponents).

2- It maintained a tight link between the objectives of the Palestinian National Movement and its mechanisms, and the Arab Liberation Movement and its mechanisms, correlating their interests. This was reflected clearly in the articles of the national charter of the organization and in the resolutions of its successive national councils.

3- It emphasised the leading role of the organization in liberating Palestine from settler colonization; that was considered a tool of the struggle of our people, and by that the PLO won legitimacy and the eligibility to represent the people.

4- It maintained unity by including all national forces, because the organization was considered a framework for their alliance, during the liberation stage.

5- It stayed away idiosyncratic aspects, sociologically and legally. The term Palestinian Liberation Movement maintains a level of clarity that does not require the burden of analysis to clarify conditions and correlations between organizations. The relations of different Palestinian forces integrated in the shared aim for which the organization was originally established. The goal of the organization was to achieve liberation, so the capacity of the organization was drew strength from this goal. And if the liberation target were negated, removed or changed for some reason, or replaced by another, then the capacity of the organization would disappear. It would become an organization without capacity unless it were assigned another target.

Since the current leadership has replaced the old liberation goal of the organization with a new negotiated one, under which it has signed compliance agreements, recognising the colonial entity and its structure and function, the PLO has lost its prime feature. As a result, Palestinian parties negotiating for unity and reform of the PLO should focus on restoring the target of liberation to the core of the charter.

Based on the above, we see that the PLO, along with its charter and the resolutions of its national councils about the interim program, and through its international recognition, can be restored by honest patriots, fixing the imbalance that affected its charter, putting an end to the individuation of its leadership, and liberating it from conventions signed under its name. It can be brought back to its original nature as a combative tool of our people, repositioning it within the Arab Liberation Movement as a friend to all fighters for freedom and human progress, defending the safety of our planet and the conditions of life.

Through that and other positive reforms the organization could become a combative framework for popular forces, determined to enter a new stage. That certainly is not the case under those who currently manage negotiations over the siege our people, who close the borders to let them starve, who kill our patients and do not have the courage to insert a single soldier to defend the land they claim has been liberated. The advance of our national movement must rid us of these illusions and end the devastating conflicts over an empty quota system.

Every national Palestinian and every free Arab with scientific awareness and true experience must wonder:  how do those who negotiate for Palestinian unity agree to be under the patronage and the guidance of the intelligence chief of the first Arab state which established political and economic relations with the colonial entity, which is immersed in subordination to our prime enemy, US imperialism, and which also conspires openly against resistance forces in our region?

All Palestinian forces who want to unite in order to advance the movement to liberate their homeland, and who need help with the convergence of views, should head towards those who are supporting them against their enemies - not those who are against them and allied with their enemies.

The Arab homeland will never be liberated and unified by friendship or subordination to the USA! It will only be liberated by confronting and ending colonial and imperial dominance.

Yes to national unity in the framework of the PLO, liberated from the Oslo Accords and its annexes, liberated from an individualised leadership, subordinated to the hegemonic powers and the Arab comprador regimes.

Long live Palestine, liberated from the racial remnants of settler colonization, built on the foundations of equal common life for all its citizens, far from all forms of segregation and discrimination by religion, culture or ethnic origin, far from hostility against its regional neighbours and a friend to all liberation movements and progress forces in the world!

End of statement.

Please sign the petition from Towards Palestine Liberation and Al Awda Movement in Alliance with the Axis of Resistance:

We are calling for signatures on the statement to create national and global public opinion specially among Palestinians, Arabs and international supporters about the genuine, just and long lasting solution to the seven decades of the ethnic cleansing war and catastrophe of 1948. The One Democratic State  of Palestine (ODSP) initiative stands in opposition and objection to the dead solution of the two states, the Oslo Accords and exposing the latest racist Nation-State Law that was issued by the apartheid state of Israel which emphasizes the real nature of this manufactured colonial state.

This is a crucial time in the history of our struggle, which needs all activists, individuals and organizations, to consolidate and coordinate their efforts in an organized manner to make an impact, make a difference towards the only solution that guarantees the right of return and deals with our people as one united nation on one united homeland: the One Democratic State of Palestine.

Signatories include: Richard Falk, Stephen Sizer, Jacob Cohen, Alison Weir, Ann Wright, Cindy Sheehan, Tariq Ali, Paul Larudee, Kevin Zeese, Joe Lombardo, Tim Anderson, Amal Wahdan, Judith Bello, Ken Stone, Issa Chaer,  Ali Mallah, Alicia Jrapko, Seyed Mohammad Marandi, Younis Arar, Sabir Abu Mariam, Behnam (Ben) Gharagozli…..

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